Whenever I forward this scene in my mind, the entire history goes into rewind mode. When this scene gets blurred, the past gets crystal clear. When the past is blurred, I can see with clarity the history being created at present. If you have not studied history at ‘WhatsApp University’, you will understand what I am trying to convey. I hope the students who were forced to march hands up, will not feel insulted and understand that this is the new face of the Indian state; and this face is slowly being unveiled.
The Delhi Police have tackled thousands of agitations in the past. People, who took part in these demonstrations, often came face-to-face with the police. During the Nirbhaya agitation, protestors even marched to Raisina Hills, and slogans were raised against the police. The agitators, however, had a belief that police will not open fire at them. Watching students forced to move forward under the shadow of guns, that trust has been betrayed. The police have changed, as they don’t spray cold water to disperse crowd; they have guns.
The police which had gone inside Jamia to search for outsiders, came out with students. If you can’t find any wrong in their action, let me make this plain and simple for you: Your freedom of expression is being held hostage. The police are not ours, it is ‘theirs’. By ‘theirs’, I don’t mean the government, I mean the ‘state’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently talked about recognising people involved in Bengal violence by their clothes. The language used by him is not much different than the language and tone used on social media. It is obvious that this is the language of the ‘state’. This is the reason why Rajya Sabha MP Rakesh Sinha tweeted comparing the agitation at Jamia with Muslim League’s pre-Independence ‘direct action’. He identified Jamia, which was founded by Mahatma Gandhi.
In 1946, Muslim League’s call for ‘direct action’ resulted in riots in which thousands of Hindus were killed. Gandhi hadn’t observed what the rioters were wearing; he had visited Kolkata and had put an end to violence. He also went to Bihar where Hindus had killed Muslims. He had stopped bloodshed there too. Gandhi didn’t have much clothes on his body which is why he couldn’t observe the clothes of rioters. He had discovered the beauty of minds and souls
Rakesh Sinha’s tweet says this is not 1946, this is 2019. Mr Sinha appears to be the ‘Vice-Chancellor’ of the ‘WhatsApp University’, who wants to change the understanding of history in the name of expressing anger over violence at Jamia. He is linking a university which has a national character to Muslim League. He seems to have forgotten that 50% students at Jamia are non-Muslim. Even if there were 100 per cent Muslim students, would it have been right to link them to Muslim League? Are Mr Sinha and PM Modi not trying to recognise students on the basis of clothes and colour?
There is a grave problem in the way we perceive the country’s younger generation. We believe the younger generation is lost in the world of smartphones. We think they are lost in their favourite songs, wearing their earpieces. But our perception of them is far from reality. Recently, in Gujarat’s Gandhi Nagar, in the secretariat’s exam, hundreds of students had gathered to protest an alleged fraud. They had used their smartphone screens as torches in the agitation. The state government thought the protest would die down in some days. But as the students remained steadfast to their demands, the government had to cancel the examination.
In Uttar Pradesh, the exam to recruit 69,000 teachers trends on Twitter every day, but the media ignores it. Nobody cares why the people who cleared the Railways’ recruitment exam, which was announced during elections, have not received their appointment letters. You saw at Mandi House, disabled candidates protested over Railways’ exam for several days. In Dehradun, the students of Ayurvedic colleges protested against fee hike for 45 days.
When students protest in their universities, they are lectured that they are there to study. When they protest against the paucity of teachers, they are told they are not studying. When there are no teachers, how can they study. When the students of Jawaharlal Nehru University agitated against the hike in hostel fee, they were mocked, called urban naxals. Nobody then says how students from poor background will study if education gets expensive. Nobody was concerned that the students of Indian Institute of Mass Communication protested against fee hike for 16 days.
Those who lecture students have a pattern - they hate poor and lower-middle class students. That’s why they come forward with their argument that these students research till the age of 40 on their tax money. What has research to do with age? Hence, nobody should fall into their trap that they are concerned about education. Their problem is why students of these universities raise their voices against the government. Political opposition has weakened but in these universities, the voice of dissent is gaining strength. Such people have a problem with this voice
I am in touch with students of many universities for the last two years. I believe a large section of students has become communal, but in them remain alive tiny dreams of democracy. Sometimes, drawing strength from these dreams, they hit the streets against fee hike and for the declaration of their exam results. A day will come they will break free of their communal thinking. I get letters from students saying WhatsApp University had made them communal. They express regret. They are realising that India cannot develop if communalism persists. They were not there to see the horrors of partition in 1947, but they can very well see the horrors of partition in 2019. It is your fault that you are not able to understand India’s young generation.
You saw how Jamia’s students were evicted like criminals. There are two more photographs from Jamia. To save Shaheen Abdullah, Ayesha and Farzana took on the police. Girls are shielding a boy. They are standing taller than Jamia’s Gaalib statue. Another girl Chanda Yadav is standing with them shoulder-to-shoulder. This photograph should be stuck in every room of girls’ hostels. India will become as beautiful as their dreams and spirit. If you want to understand the new India, watch these two images from Jamia. You will feel good. Good luck, India!
Ravish Kumar is Managing Editor, NDTV India
Data from the National Population Register (NPR) Will be Used to Identify ‘Doubtful’ Citizens and, in Turn, Create a National Register of Citizens (NRC)
As protests sweep through India over the Citizenship Amendment Act as well as the National Register of Citizens, an inconspicuous bureaucratic process to create a National Population Register has come under fire. In West Bengal, the Mamata Banerjee government stayed work on the National Population Register on Monday citing the “interest of public order”. While the National Population Register has not made waves elsewhere, in West Bengal, activists and protesters have attacked the exercise, alleging that it is actually the first step to creating an all-India National Register of Citizens.
The National Register of Citizens is controversial: while its purported aim is to identify illegal immigrants, there are fears it could arbitrarily exclude genuine Indian citizens. Ignoring these concerns, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has said the Bharatiya Janata Party government will implement the NRC nationwide before 2024. The Bharatiya Janata Party has argued that the National Population Register has nothing to do with the National Register of Citizens and is part of the Census. Scroll.in spoke to experts as well as accessed the legal orders around the National Population Register and found this is not true. The NPR has no relation to the Census and is, in fact, connected to the proposed all-India NRC.
What is the NPR?
According to online literature published by the Union government, the objective of the National Population Register “is to create a comprehensive identity database of every usual resident in the country”. This database “would contain demographic as well as biometric particulars”. What sort of information would the National Population Register collect? Scroll.in has viewed the 14 questions that form part of the exercise, for which a pilot project began in August. The questions include demographic details such as name, age, sex, relationship in household, nationality, educational qualifications, occupation, date of birth, marital status, residential address, birthplace and mother tongue.
Till now, nothing here is very different from the usual data the Union government collects via the Census. But then, the National Population Register also asks a respondent where his or her parents were born. Moreover, the National Population Register also asks for Aadhaar details, driver’s licence, voter identity card and mobile number “if available”. An official told Scroll.in it is not mandatory for respondents to share this information. However, with many respondents likely to give their Aadhaar details, this will allow the Union government, for the first time, to connect their biometric details with information like the birthplace of their parents.
How is NPR linked to the NRC?
The legal framework for the National Population Register is grounded in the Citizenship Act, 1955. In 2003, the Act was amended by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led BJP government to introduce the category of an “illegal migrant”. To implement this amendment, a set of rules were issued. (Rules are practical instructions on how to execute a law on the ground.) At the time, these rules barely created a ripple. But they set in place a mechanism that could turn Indian society and politics upside down since they lay out a process to create a National Register of Citizens: “the register containing details of Indian Citizens living in India and outside India”.
The rules read: “The Central Government shall, for the purpose of National Register of Indian Citizens, cause to carry throughout the country a house-to-house enumeration for collection of specified particulars relating to each family and individual, residing in a local area including the Citizenship status”. For administrative purposes, there are a nested collection of registers: the “National Register of Indian Citizens shall be divided into sub-parts consisting of the State Register of Indian Citizens, the District Register of Indian Citizens, the Sub-district Register of Indian Citizens and the Local Register of Indian Citizens”.
How would these registers of citizens be created? The rules explicitly spell it out: “The Local Register of Indian citizens shall contain details of persons after due verification made from the Population Register.” When the Local Register is generated from the Population Register, a “verification process” would be carried out which would create the category of “doubtful citizenship”. The final National Register of Citizens would be prepared by asking doubtful citizens to prove they are Indians as part of a “claims and objections” process.
This Population Register mentioned in the rules is nothing other than the National Population Register. In a gazette notification issued on July 31, 2019, the Modi government passed an order to “prepare and update the Population Register” in every state other than Assam. To sum up: the National Population Register would create a list of all the residents of the country. And then the National Register of Citizens would take that list and identify people of “doubtful citizenship” – thus, by corollary creating a list of citizens. It is this process that leads Prasenjit Bose, economist and convenor of the Joint Forum against National Register of Citizens, to describe the National Population Register as the “first step on the road to the National Register of Citizens”.
Ranjit Sur, from the Association for the Protection of Democratic Rights, concurs. “The only job of the National Population Register is to create an National Register of Citizens,” said Sur. “Let me emphasise on the ‘only’.” Protesters demonstrate amid tear gas fired by police during a demonstration against the Citizenship Amendment Bill in New Delhi on December 13. Credit: Reuters
How is the nationwide NRC different from the Assam NRC?
Notably, the National Register of Citizens process described above is different from the National Register of Citizens that has already taken place in Assam. This is because the 2003 rules carve out a special exception for the state.
In Assam, the National Register of Citizens would be created by “inviting applications from all the residents for collection of specified particulars relating to each family and individual, residing in a local area in the State including the citizenship status based on the National Register of Citizens 1951, and the electoral rolls up to the midnight of the 24th day of March 1971,” the 2003 rules state. In sharp contrast, the National Register of Citizens for the rest of India is to be drawn on the basis of the National Population Register.
As a result, there is a difference in how the National Register of Citizens for Assam and the rest of India will be conducted. “The Assam National Register of Citizens was populated using the application method but the all-India National Register of Citizens will be done through enumeration basis, by going house to house and collecting data in the form of the National Population Register,” explained Ranjit Sur. The Assam National Register of Citizens was widely criticised for being arbitrary. But now activists are noting that the National Population Register method that will be used to conduct the all-Indian National Register of Citizens is even more opaque. “In Assam, everyone knew the cut-off date and the documents required. Rich or poor, Hindu or Muslim, everyone had to stand in the same queue,” explained Prasenjit Bose. “But here everything is left to a bureaucrat. The state will decide who is a doubtful citizen and who is not. It is completely arbitrary.”
How is the NPR different from the Census?
That the National Population Register is part of the Census is a widespread notion. On Tuesday, in fact, reacting to the West Bengal government’s plans to stop work on the National Population Register, the BJP repeated this claim. “National Population Register builds up to the Census data 2021,” argued BJP MP Swapan Dasgupta. This claim, however, is not borne out legally. “The National Population Register is being conducted under the Citizenship Act, 1955 and the 2003 rules while the Census is done under the Census Act, 1948,” explained Ranjit Sur. “The Census data is kept secret and cannot be used for anything else. The National Population Register data will be publicly displayed as part of the claims and objections process and will be used to create a National Register of Citizens.”
Sur continued: “Their laws are different, their aims are different. National Population Register has nothing to do with the Census and anyone making that claim is simply saying so to misguide.” This mistaken notion might have something to do with the fact that the two exercises are conducted simultaneously. The Union government has stated that it will “update the National Population Register along with the House listing phase of Census 2021”.
Golwalkar said in his We or our Nationhood Defined, “..the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment — not even citizen’s rights”. Golwalkar was the second chief and ideologue of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a hardliner supremacist organization which is the ideological parent of BJP .This is the foundational principle underlying the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 which allows accelerated naturalization to Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, Parsis and Christians from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to get citizenship of India, that the current BJP government has hastily pushed sparking country wide protests and palpable anxiety. As is clear from the ideas of Golwalkar, ‘Hindu race’ is supreme in India and whoever doesn’t belong to not Hindu race stand to lose even citizenship rights. The Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 which embodies this premise of Golwalkar, is also a knee jerk reaction of the BJP to suit its politics in retrospect of the disaster of NRC in Assam.
In order to understand the intent and import of this Act, it will be useful to trace the inconsistent positions of the BJP over the years. Its position at different times makes it clear that BJP never had a well thought out consistent stand on CAA but has brought it in merely for its political exigencies. This can be explained by taking into account that the crux of the CAA is giving citizenship to the “persecuted” Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsis and Jains from the three stated countries. This is quite contradictory to the long held political position of the BJP. The BJP without making any distinction on basis of religion (Hindus or Muslims) have always maintained that illegal immigrants are a threat to the identity and economy of India and especially Assam. Assam which has a porous border with Bangladesh may have had Hindu and Muslim, both immigrants who come to India for better economic opportunities. It’s difficult to determine who is a persecuted Hindu. Besides, the BJP never cared to find out how many and who were immigrants on the grounds for persecution.
In 2008, during the UPA government at the Centre, Mr. Advani, BJP foremost leader had had vehemently mounted a scathing attack on the then government for not tackling the influx of the illegal migrants from Bangladesh which was altering the demography of Assam. Such strong was his concern that he warned, “Assam as a whole today is fighting for survival. And the threat to its survival has come from a flood of illegal migrants from neighbouring Bangladesh. If this flood is not controlled, Assam will face extinction under the inundation caused by foreigners (Economic Times , 2008). He went on to claim that there over 3.5 million Bangladeshi illegal migrants in India which is aggravating terrorism in India (Times of India, 2008) . Here too, no distinction was made between Hindu and Muslims even at this point and no mention of persecution of Hindus from Bangladesh. This is not the only figure available of the illegal immigrants. Murli Manohar Joshi once claimed that 1.7 crores Bangladeshi infiltrators in India and most of them were in Kishenganj. It’s interesting to note that the entire population of Kishenganj was 15 lakhs only (Engineer & Dalwai, 1995).
This points towards two things. One, that the BJP leaders had no data to prove their incredulous claims which were not logical. Arbitrary figures were given in public domain by them to create paranoia against immigrants and this made them popular in Assam. Secondly, they insinuated over time that and popularize the narrative that illegal immigrants from Bangladesh is coterminous with Muslims. Thus they wanted everyone to believe that all illegal immigrants were Muslims. In fact they made a distinction- Muslim immigrants were called “infiltrators”, connoting aggression and sense of animosity while the Hindu immigrants were called “refugees” (Engineer & Dalwai, Immigrants in Bombay: A Fact Finding Report, 1995). It was not proven by any credible data that the Hindu immigrants were in any refugees and not just immigrants who migrated for livelihood like the Muslim immigrants. This resentment towards the illegal migrants is shared by that the current Home Minister, Amit Shah who said, “the illegal immigrants are like termites. They are eating the grain that should go to the poor, they are taking our jobs” (The Hindu, 2019). It is then ironical that Amit Shah would want to flood the whole country with immigrants.
The Central government had exempted the migrants from adverse penal consequences of Passport Act 1920 and Foreigners Act, 1946 (which requires undocumented immigrants prove their citizenship) through notifications in 2015 and 2016. This also made them eligible for long term visa to stay in India. In effect this provided a solution to the immigrants if they were really persecuted to avoid punishment and allowed them a wide range of rights barring a few like right to vote or hold political and constitutional post. If this was the case, it makes one wonder what was the need for this amendment in 2019 unless vote bank politics was the motive by giving the immigrants voting rights. This is the same vote bank politics that BJP accuses the Congress of but indulges in very cleverly.
In its political manifesto of 2014, BJP mentioned that addressing the issue of infiltration and illegal immigrants in the Northeast was its priority. And to address this concern, it wanted to review and improve the border management. It promised punitive measures to check illegal immigration. At the same time, it mentions in the same manifesto that India shall remain a natural home for persecuted Hindus and they shall be welcome to seek refuge here. But here clearly, the intent of the BJP is to foment discontent in Assam against the Bengali speaking Hindus and Muslims and push for instruments like NRC targeting the Muslim who BJP believed to be “foreigners” and “infiltrators”. There was no specific concern about the refugees of the abovementioned religions during dealing with the priority of the so-called infiltration from east.
In July 2018, when the draft list of the NRC was published excluding 4 million residents, a large number of them unwittingly being Hindus in the process of hounding out the Muslims, the BJP had to start thinking of ways in which to protect the citizenship of the excluded Hindus which forms its political support base. This is when the idea of Citizenship Amendment Bill 2019 started to be pushed aggressively. That perhaps explains that BJP in clear terms for the first time clearly stated in its election manifesto its intent to propose the Citizenship amendment Bill as we know it today. In the end of August 2019 when the final NRC list was published leaving out 1.9 million, again most of them being Hindus, the scramble to introduce the Bill and get it passed accelerated.
The BJP in the face strong protests by students and from other quarters is reiterating that the CAA is in no way targeting the Muslims in India. However CAA can’t be viewed in isolation and has to be examined and analyzed in the light of the announcement of the ruling dispensation that NRC will be implemented throughout the country. In its support it argues that all over India there are Bangladeshi illegal immigrants. But fearing the repeat of the NRC experience in Assam, which now the BJP has disowned in some way, the CAA is the backdoor entry for the Hindus likely to be excluded from NRC process. Its intent is to exclude Muslims and strip them off their citizenship. Though the Muslims under different regimes in India have been discriminated against and victims of communal violence, for all purposes, treated as secondary citizens of India, this is a concerted institutionalized attempt to strip them of their very citizenship.
If BJP is rolling out NRC throughout the country then there are lessons to be drawn from the NRC process in Assam. The NRC process in Assam having its roots in the simmering conflicts spanning over decades was a result of the opposition to migration especially of Bengali speaking Hindus and Muslims which over time metamorphosed into opposition to Bangladeshi immigrants and all Muslims. The Muslims were the primary targets which manifested itself in the Nellie Massacre. The NRC process which required all the residents to produce a complicated labyrinth of documents to prove they are citizens of India by furnishing documents of many generations of their family brought unspeakable misery to the Assamese. Apart from the colossal INR 1200 crores estimated spent on the exercise to eventually “identify” 1.9 million when exaggerated number of immigrants where thrown out of the hat without proper data, the human cost is criminal.
The fact finding mission which the author was part of in Assam, witnessed and spoke to many college professors and teachers who were deployed for over years, some for 15 years till retirement, in the process of NRC. While education of the entire new generation of citizens took a backseat, the entire human resource was deployed in the machinery of NRC. The pervading paranoia and arbitrary exclusion on mere spelling mistakes or technical errors in the documents of the residents led innocents to commit suicides or sent to the detention centres which for all practical purposes are like prisons. Innocent lives were upturned leading to tearing apart of families, prospects of life in detention centres and loss of financial and mental wellbeing. The poor and illiterate had to queue up to supplicate before the authorities to include them in the NRC. Maintaining documents in a flood ravaged state is not easy and the Adivasis have no concept of documents to prove that the land they live on is theirs for generations. There are still remote areas which don’t even have hospitals to issue birth certificates.
An all India NRC would be many times worse. The NRC in the state of Assam alone required the involvement of over 50,000 government employees and cost more than Rs. 1,200 crore. This is a state that has less than 3% of the country’s total population (Shrivastava, 2019). One can’t even imagine the funds required to carry it out throughout India. This massive amount spent on this exercise which is based on unsubstantiated and exaggerated fear and suspicion will drive the entire country to a new level of paranoia. The poor and dispossessed will be supplicants before the authorities and at their mercy. Ironically, the very Hindus, who the CAA is supposed to protect, will be those queuing up in large numbers. If they want to protect their citizenship through CAA, they will have to prove persecution from one of three neighbouring countries mentioned in the Act which is almost impossible. Rightful citizens will have to declare themselves foreigners or refugees first. Thus, the NRC will spare nobody though the Muslims will face brute open discrimination. All communities are at a risk of being stripped off their citizenship like witnessed in Assam. The hardships are unimaginable.
How does CAA coupled with NRC affect the country on a whole? These two instruments will change the paradigm of citizenship in India. So far the citizenship in India was based on principle of jus soli which means acquiring citizenship of the country by virtue of being born there. The Citizenship Act 1955 provided for all being born on or after the before 1st July 1987 as Indian citizens. Subsequently citizenship can be acquired by citizenship by descent where one has to prove that one of their parents were citizens of India. However with CAA and NRC, the shift is towards the principle of jus sanguinis or blood system. By stating that India is a natural home for Hindus all over the world, the idea of Golwalkar that Hindus alone will enjoy all rights in India. This idea is similar to that of Israel which calls Jews all over the world as their citizens. This goes against the very grain of multicultural societies where people of different religions co-exist with equality. It also goes against the tenet of equality enshrined in our constitution which ensures no discrimination on the basis of religion, caste, creed or gender. This is a change in the very idea of India. India was founded on the composite nationalism where citizens belonging to all faiths enjoyed the same citizenship rights. Their religion didn’t determine their citizenship. This is a dangerous turn to ethno nationalism in Indian history which will bring violence and unrest in the future.
The government reiterates that this Act only seeks to give refuge to those persecuted in the countries having specific state religion. It is important to point out, as much as we appreciate the humanitarian gesture of the government, the purpose of the Act will be lost if India is unable to provide refuge to all other persecuted minorities in other neighbouring countries like Sri Lanka which gives special position to Buddhism in its Constitution leading to reports of discrimination against Tamils and Muslims or even Bhutan and Nepal which have state religions. These inconsistencies along with its knee jerk design to protect its constituency which votes it to power makes its nefarious attempt very clear.
Today the country is burning in the face of brute power and arrogance of the ruling dispensation which is pushing an Act which was passed with no consultation and democratic spirit. Earlier the ruling dispensation allowed issues like cow vigilantism, “love jihad”, ghar wapsi to foster hatred and othering of the Muslims and other vulnerable communities. This act is just another instrument to further this agenda. By all means it won’t be the last one. The Act betrays India and flays its soul by hurtling it down into the abyss of uncertainty, anxieties and injustice knowing well the consequences of such acts. This ill thought out and ill intentioned Citizenship Amendment Act and imminent NRC that the Home Minister threatens the country with, is bringing the country on the verge of unrest which the world is taking notice of. The defiant government which is turning a blind eye to protests and in proportionate force the protests are handled with, is giving a message that it cares less about democracy and is bent on redefining India which will completely normalize bigotry and render its own millions of citizens stateless in its thirst of power and its ideology of Hindu Rashtra. This Act coupled with NRC is unmistakably the first concrete step towards the cherished dream of BJP’s ideological parent, RSS. Unfortunately the ruling party doesn’t care if it’s at loggerheads with the idea of India itself and its long cherished dream.
Courtsey: Secular Perspective December 16-31
The Polit Bureau of CPI(ML) Red Star which met at party centre greeted the comrades who made the Jan Akrosh Abhiyan a success. According to its evaluation, during the last two months the situation in the country has become worse. The present upsurge taking place all over the country proves that the intensive campaign organized by the party and class/mass organizations against the Modi-2’s decisions further intensifying the fascistization, consistently for months with correct slogans, especially the campaign against the Assam NRC, the CAB, the all India NRC/NPR plan also played a role in creaking the present upsurge against the Modi-2.
Though the Modi-2 is trying to minimize and sideline the seriousness of the economic slow- down which is becoming more and more serious day by day, its consequences are evident. GDP growth rate has come down to 4.5% with no scope of reversing this trend in coming days. The economy is serious recession. As market is becoming increasingly dull, more production units are shutting down or decreasing production. As millions are losing jobs and unemployment is increasing, purchasing power further goes down, making the market more dull. It is a vicious circle. Recouping through increasing foreign trade is also not materializing, in the atmosphere of present trade war. Both US and China along with other countries are trying to get the Indian market opened more for them, through RCEP like treaties. Though Modi did not sign it this time due to strong popular resistance, pressure is mounting to sign it. Prices of all essential commodities and services are also increasing. Except speeding up sale of the PSUs, the Modi government has no other solution to put forward to overcome this situation. The banking system is also in crisis, as the NPAs are accumulating day by day. The latest GST hike on essential items is making the situation worse for the masses
It is in this situation, in the elections to Maharashtra and Haryana, in spite of Modi-Shah trying to convert their J&K and CAB moves to whip up muscular nationalism as votes, BJP’s vote share and seats reduced, just five months after its sweeping victory in the LS elections. Though it manipulated to retain power in Haryana, in spite of all efforts, subverting Constitutional values, it could not prevent the SS- NCP- Congress alliance coming to power in Maharashtra. In Jharkhand, it is fighting the elections alone, and its prospects are bleak. The RSS/BJP has reached a stage when they will resort to creation of mass hysteria through CAA/NCR. They will try to divide the people and create civil war like conditions, when they can dominate the scene using state machinery including military and constitutional institutions. So, as the students’ resistance against CAA and NCR has erupted all over the country they are resorting to horrifying state terror to suppress them. It is the time to support the student struggles and all other resistances to fascist Modi rule, engaging in issue based broad united movements with all anti RSS/BJP forces, focusing on the struggle against discriminative CAA and NCR/NPR.
At the same time, the ruling class parties as well as the social democrats in power have no basic differences on neoliberal/corporate policies like issues with BJP. Their opposition to BJP is only a contradiction among the ruling class parties. Still, it is necessary to become part of the broadest unity of all anti-BJP forces on issue basis to fight and defeat it as the immediate task. At the same time, the cardinal question of overthrowing the fascist RSS should be vigorously taken by intensifying the re-building of the revolutionary party, uniting all communist revolutionary forces in a left core based on a common program, and launching a mass platform of all struggling left and democratic forces with all oppressed classes and sections to defeat the fascist RSS and to achieve social change.
CPI(ML) Red Star
The CAA bull-dozed through the parliament and instantly signed by the president has become an Act (CAA) threatening another partition of the country. It is against this the patriotic students and other progressive forces are on the streets protesing and demanding the scrapping of this anti-national black act. But the saffronized police forces and RSS goons are working in tandem to brutalize the students who are now spearheading the movement against CAA and NRC, as we saw in Jamia yesterday. Modi-2 thinks it can go ahead with its divisive action by terrorizing the people and students in particular by using state terror!
These fascist forces who are trying for a second partition of our country to realize their Hindurashtra should be challenged and defeated. The CPI(ML) Red Star calls upon all party committees to make issue based broadest possible unity based on Scrap CAA, No to NRC slogan with all like minded forces and organize protest actions on 19th December, declaring solidarity with the fighting students and declaring we shall not allow the NRC to happen.
CPI(ML) Red Star
16th December 2019